Is the Changing Attitude of Women towards Childbirth and Motherhood a Term Paper

Is the Changing Attitude of Women towards Childbirth and Motherhood a Cause of Seeking Abortions - Term Paper Example While it is unarguably agreed that issues of primary health care have been resolved to a great extent, their mental health and its implications on their attitudes towards their natural roles have been neglected; the changing attitudes of women towards childbirth and motherhood are a major cause of seeking abortions in modern society. Pointing out the correlation between abortions, illicit relationships and their risk to women’s health in Latin American women in â€Å"Clandestine induced abortion: prevalence, incidence and risk factors among women in a Latin American country " the report seeks to determine if these casual incidents of abortions are a major factor for their ill health. The rise in abortions during the regime of Reagan brought forth a study report that highlighted the degrading mental health of women as a major factor linking abortions. A pro-abortion Institution argued that it was women’s education and awareness of birth control as well as liberal promiscuity that caused drastic changes in decisions leading to abortions in society (2009). Although legalizing abortion made an impact on these figures, in "Sexuality, birth control, and abortion: a decision-making sequence." It is evident that changing trends in the attitudes of women towards their role as mothers and procreators that h ave actually made them seek abortions in the present society (1973). Abortion has been a topic of discussion for many thinkers. Not only the issues of women and their health but also a vital cause of concern for the whole society: mankind because it raises questions of morality and ethics in modern society. Comparisons in statistics of abortion making decisions with reference to geographical domains, educational standards, cultural and social backgrounds and as also the advent of technology in daily lives affected this issue of abortion to an extent unfathomable by most.  

Principles of Dispute Resolution in indigenous Australian Community Essay Example for Free

Principles of Dispute Resolution in indigenous Australian Community Essay The manner in which the indigenous population in the so called the aboriginal community are represented in the criminal justice system is bringing a lot of questions according to the Heather and Braithwaite1. The Aboriginal community is increasingly overrepresented and at the same time families are experiencing high levels of violence. Heather and Braithwaite argue that finding a solution of these issues is increasingly becoming hard and difficult particularly when indigenous people become victims or offenders2. This is also seen whenever they come into contact with the criminal justice system The indigenous Australian community that is the Aboriginal community is cultural sensitive therefore making any attempt to help in dispute resolution among them and other parties become very complicated. For instance looking at the report that was produced by Queensland community justice program (CJP) Aboriginal mediation project the year 1990, it was discovered that the mediation process in dispute resolution on the indigenous community is rather in consistence to the cultural values of the people. This research paper therefore looks at the mediation principles and how they have been inconsistent to the cultural values of the society especially in resolving family violence. A conclusion is then drawn after coming up with alternative methods to mediation owing to the fact that the mediation process has failed in dispute resolution among the Aboriginal community of Australia. Introduction  Mediation process in the Aboriginal community in the Australia state according to the reports by the Queen community as mentioned above seem to very inconsistent therefore a lot of argument and debates have been raised on the effectiveness of the mediation3. The communities are seen to be aligned on one side leading to proper implementation of the criminal justice system. This implies that the mediation process in the Aboriginal community is never cultural sensitive. The dispute resolution method practiced on indigenous community does not take into account the traditional values of the society (Moore, 2003). The principles of mediation that are supposed to be observed by the commentators or mediators have not been followed. The indigenous community of the Australian state is very conservative as far as the culture is concerned and the mediation principles applied are not compatible with their values and culture4 . These principles include confidentiality, voluntariness and neutrality. Confidentiality Confidentiality is the ability to make something become private5. Boulle argues that mediation process will only be successful if and only if privacy and confidentiality of what is being said in the mediation process is kept close/ private. This is contrary to the aboriginal community where the community leads a unique life. Kinship is still observed making it hard to make things confidential. The communal way of life may not allow for privacy. The family members who are involved in the conflict are expected to interact with the mediator prior in order to have some knowledge on the issue and seek for favoritism (Nolan, 1993). Mediation should actually be kept confidential to avoid public embarrassment that make the parties involved feel inferior before other members of the Society6. Noble (1995) also believes that confidential is the key principle that strives to build trust of family members having disputes in the mediation. This is not applicable to the Aboriginal community. It is suggested that mediator should be a person who lives among the indigenous community and even workers within them according to Noble. This person will be assumed to be aware of the community’s cultural benefits such as that when involved in mediation; he should be fair as dictated by the community’s values7. Reassuring the families involved in the disputes is very important. Members of the community will give their opinion on who is to be picked as the mediator. That is where he lives and works. This point has also been stressed by Ackfun who argues that maintaining privacy and confidentiality in the mediation process may not be possible since the members exist in small communities and they observe kinship8. Members are tied to one another as they view other members of the society as relatives. Even though the court system attempt to maintain confidentiality, elements such as the physical arrangement of the community and the idea of kinship try to block out the confidentiality principle to be observed9. Neutrality This is another principle that should be observed in the mediation process according to Kelly (2002). Being neutral implies that the mediator should not be seen to be favoring one party in the mediation process. Therefore the background and relationship that may exist between the mediator and the parties involved is scrutinized. In other words the mediator is not allowed to have prior knowledge about the disputes and parties involved. If at all he has prior knowledge about the parties and those with disputes, then there is likelihood of unfair hearing arising. The person should actually come out boldly and voluntarily to preside over a mediator instead of being forced. However as much as this principle is a factor to the success of the mediation process, it is at different times difficult to maintain neutrality10. In most cases, the mediator is found to have prior knowledge concerning justice. He/she must have interacted with the families or parties involved in the disputes. Astor and Chinkin argue that, since neutrality may not be observed and realized in dispute resolution among the Aboriginal community, then the only thing that can be done is to have a mediator showing interest in the outcome of the mediation. The expectations of the Aboriginal family on the outcome of mediation are another issue that hinders the implementation of the concept of neutrality. The mediator is expected to take side during the dispute resolution in which he is expected to take side and favour either a friend or a family member. In such a case the mediator actually is related to one of the families having disputes who feed him with the knowledge regarding the situation. This makes the whole process of mediation lack neutrality but instead the parties are helped by the mediator to make and reach a decision since the mediator has already the prior knowledge11. This therefore proves the idea that the mediation process in dispute resolution involving the aboriginal community and other parties is not compatible to the principle of neutrality. Voluntary attendance. The principle of voluntarily requires the parties involved in a dispute to voluntarily agree together and come up with achievable scheme and a mediator of their choice12. This is actually what happens in most mediation process whereby the process may be conducted within a court of law or authorities with relevant knowledge regarding the process. Astor and Chinkin, 1996). However with respect to the Aboriginal community, the principle seems not to be applicable as such. According to the views of Noble, mediation in Aboriginal communities is only acceptable if its presided over by an old respected person with a well knowledge relating to their culture. This is the person who may be required to assist in dispute resolution. The fact that mediation should be voluntarily according to Moore, Aboriginal community does not observe this because they still view things in the traditional manner. Council of elders according to Noble have a lot of influence and power in the communities. Elements such as forcing someone to do something or accept something still exist. These are normally done by the respected elders where one party is left dissatisfied after the whole process of dispute resolution has been carried out. Cultural values of the community must just be looked into whether the nature of the mediation is voluntary or not. The mediator will be expected to adhere to the cultural dynamic for it to be fair and practicable. Noble, 1996). Just to make a brief conclusion on why principles of voluntarily in the mediation process is not applicable to the Aboriginal community, the whole process is cultured sensitive. Elders are accorded their respect and tend to influence decision in the process in order to come up with a resolution. Therefore whether the nature of mediation is voluntary or not the elders still have the influence on the outcome of the mediation13. It is very hard to group the class where the so called Aboriginal community belongs. They tend to be so conservatism and do things according to their lifestyles. The criminal justice system that is currently being applied is modern yet the society still swims in a pool of traditions that is outwashed by the modern one. The fact that there is lack of neutrality, confidentiality and voluntarily, this makes the mediation process become very odd and of little consequence. The Aboriginal community still believes that neutrality does not exist and so one party must just be favored in the mediation process. In effectiveness of mediation in solving domestic dispute Among the Aboriginal community, mediation has been unsuccessful when it comes to mediating between spouses especially where domestic wrangle is the issue to be resolved14. This is a society where traditional lifestyles are still practiced. Normally when violence exists between the spouses, men are not considered as the major course of violence but all the blame goes to women. Women, according toHovey, are seen to be inferior members of the society. Therefore mediation process in any dispute resolution between spouses among the Aboriginal community will automatically favour men and disadvantage women. Men have to say anything over women during the process of mediation. However there are two factors that are considered in the mediation involving domestic violence between a man and a woman according to Noble. First, the interest of the woman must be considered and protected in the process of mediation. The other factor that has to be considered is the consideration of the safety of men if at all they are taken to court following domestic violence15. Noble view domestic violence among the spouses to be something abnormal among the Aboriginal community and this may be or not through mediation. However mediation does not apply to all cases in a relationship. For instance mediation is not practical in solving violence in a relationship because the process may not be able to distinguish between who is guilty and who is not16. Otherwise issues emerging in a relationship are easily resolved through mediation. The culture of the aboriginal community does not allow couples to fight therefore a mediator is not allowed to assist any of the party to solve the dispute or help the parties come into consensus. The spouses however are left to agree between themselves and end the conflict. The issues may be so technical that the mediator might not be able to make a final resolution (Catherine and David, 2004, p49). Even though other proposals may be given such as to have mediation in a common ground, the whole process still will not be smooth owing to the fact that violence is the issue to be resolved. Therefore whether the ground is common or not, mediation in solving domestic violence is not successful17 Research methodology After having critically accessed the limitations of mediation process in dispute resolution among the Aboriginal community in Australia, it is practical therefore to come up with an alternative method that can address or solve disputes among communities. This is because the society (Aboriginal) is cultural sensitive that is they tend to observe their culture so much making them to be rigid to adopt other ways of life18. The research therefore was carried collecting by information from different sources. For instance interviews were done to the Aboriginal community that was grouped according to gender. Questionnaires were also posted to some individuals administered directly to the individuals who were to participate in the study. A total of twenty house holds were to be interviewed and given the questionnaires. Out of twenty households, ten were to be from young couples and the other ten from old members of the Aboriginal community.

ESL Admissions Essay - My New Life in America :: ESL Admissions

ESL Admissions Essay - My New Life in America Unlike other people, I came to the US without any special reasons, except for the fact that my husband began working here. Before this, I had never been in the US. In my mind, the US purely was an abstract noun. I knew it from nothing but TV, newspapers, and movies. However, since I came here, the US for me has become absolutely concrete. A brand new life spreads out in front of me, which has affected me mainly in three aspects--language, behavior, and vision. The first effect on me was that I could not communicate in English. The language became the first and the biggest problem I encountered in the US, which happened to me the first day I stepped onto the land of the US. I found I became deaf and dumb--I couldn't speak and couldn't understand what other people were talking about. When one of the customs officials asked if I carried any agricultural products, I looked at her at a loss for what to do. In the following days, I found that many things that were extremely easy in China became the biggest problems to me. I couldn't understand the TV programmes and couldn't read newspapers and magazines, I didn't know how to check out after shopping, and I didn't even dare go out alone. All of these came from the language obstacle. In China, I had never had a problem like this. I had my family, a lot of close friends, and a stable job. Life was very easy and interesting for me. But living here, what should I do? Eventually, I chose to return to school to study English in order to adapt myself to the American life as soon as possible. Every day I would go to the college and spend a long day there listening, reading, and writing in English. I often read books until my eyes became blurry. At my age, studying a new language was indeed not easy. But months later, I surprisingly found that I was able to simply communicate with others, and I also could read and write some relatively complex articles, which gave me a lot of confidence. Now I believe that my new life will be beautiful as long as I do my best. The second effect on me was the change in my behavior.

Era of social and cultural rebellion Essay

â€Å"The disintegration of American values was reflected in manners and morals that shook American society to the depths.† (Leuchtenburg) The 1920’s was an era in which the Americans showed their independence through actions; learning not to live the same ways that those preceded them had. The ’20s was a cultural and socialistic rebellious attitude, decomposing past American ethics and beliefs. The most obvious rebellion is shown by the feminine movements during this time. The 1920’s led to a new role for American women, in which females desperately tried to rid themselves of Victorian roles they had played in the past. In an effort to become modern and masculine, the â€Å"flapper† led to newly recognized rights for females in the male fields. The flappers showed their rebellion by wearing short skirts that in previous years would have been entirely inappropriate dress for women. Rebellion was also shown by the increased number of females working in public offices, obtaining jobs, attending colleges, and having leading roles in professional careers (events that were practically unheard-of fifty years earlier.) Women professionals increased 50 percent, while married working women increased 30 percent. With the suffrage movement in 1920, women started out the ’20s with a passion for independence and political and social rights. Women lived by themselves, proving absolute independence from men. They, who had once been thought of as men’s property solely to perform the acts of cleaning and cooking, were revolting against their title of â€Å"exclusive possession.† Once the rebellion against stay-at-home wives had started, women who still fulfilled that role felt compelled to apologize that they were not out working alongside men in the job world. (Leuchtenburg) Marriage was also a way to rebel; women who were unhappy in marriages felt that they had the right to divorce their husbands; this act more then doubled between the years of 1914 and 1929. Divorce, once thought to be completely immoral, was becoming quite common. All these factors show that the female race was using the 1920’s to revolt against issues they had previously disagreed with, but never ha d the courage to address. The 1920’s brought a breakdown in ethics. Couples went further in publicly showing their affection for each other. Sex was a common discussion topic,  not only for women but young girls. Suggestive topics were broadcasted all over the radios, movies, and newspapers. Parties were no longer chaperoned, and parents no longer had knowledge about their daughters’ actions. The fact that individuals during this time were so free with their sexual favors proves the fact that people during this time wanted to show their capability at making decisions for themselves. (Leuchtenburg) One may argue that the 1920’s was not an era of social and cultural rebellion, and bring up the opinion that the dresses the flappers wore were efforts to save money. (Shannon) This is possible, but in order to feel completely at ease at wearing what would have been considered (only a decade earlier) an outrageous outfit, the women would have had to rebel. One might also say that the reason why there were increased numbers of women attending college was not the fact that they were rebelling to prove their equality with men, but rather because it was the first time they could ever afford such an education. This is untrue; debt was so high in the ’20s that most families would have been unable to afford a college education. During the 1920’s, the economy grew into a consumer economy, one that revolved around the ability of the citizens to consume products. In order to make it easy for the people to do this, credit was developed. With the innovation of credit, many people became in debt, and consumer debt rose a total of 250 percent. Personal debt rose 2.5 times faster then personal income, and people just didn’t have money to spend it on an education solely for the reason of becoming educated. However, in order to show their equality, women would have been more willing to put a college education on credit. In conclusion, the Roaring Twenties was a time of serious cultural and social rebellion. People wanted to live their lives they way they chose; they wanted to show their independence and ability to make decisions, and not live by the beliefs of their predecessors.

Coal Industry in India Essay

The coal industry in India witnessed its inception in 1774. However, it took almost a century for this industry to rise above its infancy and proclaim its actual arrival around the second half of the 19th century. What followed was the story of remarkable growth albeit with its share of ups and downs down the line. The flipside of this account of prosperity has not, however, escaped the scrutiny of historians. The oppressive attitudes of the coal-producing lobby and the miners’ miserable conditions have time and again found their place in prevalent labour historiography. Intriguing themes, for instance, production relations, migration of labour, manipulation around the recruitment of labour, workers’ resistance movements and debates around women and child labour have further enriched the discourse. This project aims to add a new dimension to this ongoing debate. The prime objective of this study is to unearth the history of hygiene issues at workplaces in the coalfields of Raniganj and Jharia districts in eastern India and of hygiene in their adjacent regions in eastern India, 1901 and 1973. The expansion of the industry was not without its adverse effects on human as well as natural resources. This project thus, has as its focus the health of the miner as well as the health of the mineral, i.e. coal, with its attendant thrusts on industrial hygiene and mine technology. Going beyond the colonial time-frame, this study also attempts an investigation into miners’ working and living standards in the first quarter of postindependent India. Moreover, a parallel will be drawn between miners’ living conditions at collieries of eastern India and those of Natal in South Africa. It will be interesting to look into two diverse pictures in these different colonial settlements. As far as labour legislation and methods of mining are concerned, a comparative study with Britain is on the cards. The first research question that this study aims to address is the health of the miners. Engaged in hazardous underground mining activities, the miners were exposed to serious and fatal accidents. The collapse of roofs and the sides was the most common form of accidents. Next in importance were accidents in haulage routes and shafts as well as explosions. The pertinent question is what played the pivotal part in those cases of accidents: was it the miners’ lack of mining knowledge, was it the subordinate officials’ paucity of proper supervision or was it the lack of adequate attention of the mine-owners and mine-managers to the workers’ safety concerns? In his report of 1912, the Chief Inspector of Mines coined categories of accidents for example those due to misadventure, due to the fault of the deceased, due to the fault of the fellow workmen and due to the fault of the subordinate officials (sirdars). The newly-formed categories singled out â€Å"managerial fault† as a distinct category which consisted of accidents fewer in number in relation to others. The intention was clear. It was to hold the miner primarily responsible for his misfortunes. But the colliery owners and managers hardly provided them with the proper training in the mining principles. It was only in 1909 that a book on mining practices was proposed to be brought out in Bengali. This is not to forget that a large chunk of miners used to migrate from regions outside Bengal like the Central Provinces. The principal reason for ascribing responsibility to the miners was to not have to pay compensation in case of permanent disablement or death. The case was just the reverse in Britain. The scope of the Workmen’s Compensation Act of 1923 was broadened for the Indian coal miners only after independence. True, some of these accidents pointed to the responsibility of the miners like in cases of pillar-robbing or drinking while working, but even when managerial fault was indicated, the penalty was minimal. The management even failed on a number of occasions to report cases of serious and fatal accidents without delay. Besides, any attempt at protective labour legislation in the coal industry was hampered by fierce opposition from the coalproducing lobby consisting of both Europeans and Indians. Issues related to the regulation of involvement of women and children underground, maternity leave, restriction on hours of work etc. found stern protesters in the colliery-owners. The government was hardly in a position to frustrate the claims of their close collaborators. This story of the colonial government-capitalist class nexus will help us go beyond the traditional nationalist versus imperialist historiographical framework and highlight the complexities of the issues involved in the question of governmental legislation to ensure higher safety conditions in mines. Increasing number of accidents in Indian collieries was often ascribed to the prevalent methods of mining which were often termed as â€Å"faulty†. This brings us to the next crucial question i.e. the health of the mineral. The usual mining method that was followed in Indian coal mines was the bord and pillar system. Coal was cut into pillars but the co-existence of small pillars and large galleries augmented the risk of collapse as well as that of loss of significant amount of coal. We can draw a parallel with the standard method of mining in Britain which was called the panel system. I t was a system where isolation of workings was possible. Every outlet was hermetically sealed that left solid ribs of coal of varying thickness between panels which used to be cut into pillars and immediately extracted. This method was often recommended for the Indian situation. The relevant question in this context is the supposed shortcomings of the bord and pillar system. Was the panel system practicable in Indian conditions? Furthermore, Miners were often accused of improper ways in which they handled the cutting and extracting of coal. Here again the question of their lack of access to any kind of training becomes vital. Moreover, the never-ending demand for higher productivity often forced the workers to work in the abandoned part of mines, a practice that had its inevitable effects on both the health of the miners and that of the mineral. What was more surprising was most of the coal mines in Raniganj and Jharia were run without any proper plans of the mines. Frequently, both seams were worked simultaneously with the working of the one being above the working of the other. This caused the workings to be unstable resulting in loss of a huge quantity of coal. The practice of lease was such that the demarcation line between two neighbouring collieries often turned out to be indistinct. It was noticed that instead of leaving barriers untouched as intended, the work was continued up to or even over the boundary. A thin barrier was dangerous for it was liable to suddenly give way under water pressure. The question of exhaustion of coal and the need for its conservation leads us to the next important research problem i.e. the evolution of mine technology. Sand-stowing is one such safeguard that ensures safety in workplace as well as conservation of coal. The institution of the Coal Mines Stowing Board and the subsequent Coal Mines Safety (Stowing) Act of 1939 was, however, intended to guarantee only protection against accidents at mines. It was only after independence that adequate attention was paid to conservation of coal with the Coal Mines (Conservation and Safety) Act of 1952. The Coal Mines Stowing Board was replaced by the Coal Board in 1951 in an attempt to function more effectively during the period under review. On the other hand, the persistent problem with the safety management at Indian collieries was that none of the appliances, tools and materials required for combating fire, gas, or water in collieries was kept at any of the mines in the Raniganj and Jharia coal fields. A number of large collieries adopted safety lamps in place of naked lights to avoid the danger of explosion but they were not regularly examined before being taken into the workings. Mine owners or managers often failed to post notices specifying limit s of timber withdrawal for each seam or district of a seam or the maximum intervening distances between props or other roof supports at the working places. Even for winding purpose, makeshift appliances like haulage ropes were used in place of winding ropes on a number of occasions, thus inviting unfortunate consequences. The mine authority, nonetheless, had the miners to blame for their technological deficiencies. Even the Chief Inspector of Mines had some interesting and often contradictory remarks to make regarding the use of machinery by Indian miners. On the one hand he thought that the cheapness of Indian labour prevented use of machines while on the other he found comfort in the saying that, â€Å"Handling a miner’s tool was more of a matter of skill than was generally supposed†¦.and the Indian coal miner was clumsy with his weapons; but when doing work to which he and his forefathers had been accustomed [e.g. loading or carrying material] he was capable of showing good results.† But the fact that the Indian miner could be induced to abandon the tools of his forefathers was seen is most Indian collieries where English shovels were commonly used, and where the pointed crow bar was replaced by double pointed picks. Hence the question of availability of mine and safety technology, and more importantly, that of the proper application of technologies in possession turns out to be the critical imperatives. Even attempts at introduction of new technology often drew severe flak from various quarters. Coal commissioners were suggesting the extension of the boiler act to colliery districts. The steam boilers which were in use in collieries required the fitting of a second safety valve to all boilers, second one preferably to be of the lock-up type. The Indian Mining Association took up the matter and protested strongly against any such intervention. They were of the opinion that the danger of accident had been sufficiently minimized without the precaution. Furthermore, mere introduction of certain apparatus was not enough e.g. Jeffrey Company’s electric coal-cutter was introduced at some collieries. But it was not successful on account of difficulty of repair and removal of the machine. Moreover, mechanical coal cutters were more suited to Longwall method as in Britain than to the bord and pillar system that was adopted in Bengal. However, introduction of machinery like Welsh ovens for coking purposes in the Giridih coal field was hugely successful although the usual practice elsewhere was predominantly open ovens. Thus the issues involved in the adoption of mining technology is required to be studied in close association with the safety of the miner and the conservation of the mineral in order to get an overall picture of the question of industrial hygiene in the Raniganj and Jharia coal-fields. A study of occupational hazards is incomplete without an investigation into occupational diseases (for instance; Pneumoconiosis, ankylostomiasis, lungs’ diseases etc.) and diseases that affected the workers’ habitation. Our understanding of the question would be furthered by exploring the disease management policy of the mining authorities. Workers’ huts or â€Å"dhowrah† were not initially part of the colliery districts but later on became integral division of the districts. As far as workers’ housing arrangements were concerned, the official version of the â€Å"comfortable† brick hut was constantly clashing with the workers’ version of the â€Å"squalid† mud hut. The miners’ perception of hygiene and sanitation formed the principal subject matter of the official critique. True, the miners fell short on the counts of their health and hygiene standards, but the real problem lies with the alternative settlement that the nexus of colonial government and mine authorities provided. The one room tenement with common latrine facilities did not turn out to be a more hygienic alternative to the previous mud hut. Here, we can draw a parallel between the colli eries of Bengal and those of Natal in South Africa. A large number of Indian miners started migrating to Natal around the first decade of the 20th century because of better working and living conditions there. The question of health and hygiene standards of the adjacent colliery districts is worth exploring, too. Outbreak of diseases in the neighbourhood had its decisive effect on the workplace hygiene. A mere rumour of outbreak of Cholera in the vicinity used to result in widespread desertion of collieries and its surroundings by the miners, thus having disastrous effects on the production process. Hence, a detailed study on the connections between colliery hygiene of the areas under study and that of the wider region becomes essential. This connection was all the more evident in the post-independence period. The civil hospital of Dhanbad had a number of seats reserved for the colliers of Jharia mines. The mines used also to gain a great deal from the water supply scheme in the neighbourhood or for the purpose of supply of electricity. Systems of water supply, sewerage systems, sanitary measures, and disease policies in the adjacent areas undoubtedly had their impact on workplaces and the other way round. Furthermore, coal mining and its impact on the wider environment induced the government to formulate public health measures in tune with the necessities of the coal mining industry as well as with the requirements of the adjoining regions. These two linked and often conflicting aspects will be explored through the story of dilemmas, preferences, strategies and decision-making at the government level. Particular attention to the functioning and implementation of various safety measures at collieries in post-colonia l India forms the conclusive part of this project. Was the working and living conditions of the coal mine workers improved in any way in the immediate post-independence period? What was the status of labour legislation in relation to workers’ health and safety concerns? Apparently the colliers were better placed with the growing effectiveness of the Workmen’s Compensation Act. Women miners gained significantly from regular functioning of the Mines Maternity Benefit Act of 1941. Jharia and Raniganj Mines Boards of Health looked in better shape in postindependence years. Particular attention must be paid to the activities of the Coal Mines Labour Welfare Fund. Establishment and proper functioning of central and regional hospitals of Jharia and Raniganj were regulated under the auspices of this fund. Dispensary services like the one at Bhuli in Jharia improved a lot as well. We can also come across instances like spraying operations to prevent Malaria or B.C.G. vaccination to combat Tuberculosis or the setting up of the mo bile laboratory teams in the Jharia and Raniganj coalfields which point to improvement in the condition of health and hygiene in colliery districts. Working of the Coal Mines Pithead Bath Rules, 1946 and of the Mines Creche Rules, 1946 must be mentioned. Especially, provision of crà ¨ches demands particular attention in relation to women labour. They had a place for their children to be taken care of while they were busy working. Despite such favourable proceedings, miners’ wretchedness was far from being reduced. A remarkable increase in opencast mining with its associated dangers furthered the misery of the miners. Added to this were dissatisfactory mining conditions e.g. slaughter mining, violation of mine safety laws etc. The result was nationalization of Coking coal mines in 1972 and that of non-coking coal mines in 1973. Health and hygiene related themes in Indian coal mines during the colonial and postcolonial period have not found a substantial space in existing scholarship. The only work that stands out is an article by Colin Simmons (1976) where he devotes himself to the study of coal mines accidents, workplace safety and labour legislation. His other works are also of seminal importance particularly for the understanding of the nature of the labour force and ownership of colliery land. As to issues relating to practices of landleases and tenancy rights, the work of Dietmar Rothermund (year) is intriguing indeed. Rakhi Raychowdhury (1996), in her work on the women labour of eastern Indian coal mines, has a chapter devoted to matters concerning work schedule, rest and leave and accidents. While Dilip Simeon’s principal focus was production relations (1997) and labour movement (1999) in Jharia coalfields, he gave some attention to the safety concerns of Indian collieries. (1999). He even addressed the post-colonial situation. But a detailed study on industrial hygiene in relation to coalfields awaits scholarly attention. In the process of tracing the growth of coal industry in India, A.B. Ghosh(1977) referred to lists of accidents in coal mines and also to some examples of technological evolution but he made no attempt to derive a connection between accidents, safety issues and introduction of technology which this project intends to address. Deepika Basu’s (1993) occasional mention of health issues in coal and other mines is meant to broaden the understanding of the growth of the working class in India. Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt’s (2001) concern over water problems, sewerage systems etc. gives us a fair idea about the gradual process of urbanization in the Raniganj coalfields. She has also established a relation between growing mechanization of coal industry and decreasing importance of women labour. But the connection between mechanization and safety issues remains to be explored. It is a principal aim of this proposed project to analyze the same issues in the light of the themes of health and hygiene. In her case study on Kolar gold mines, Janaki Nair (1998) writes extensively on accident related issues in the work place and the process of sanitation outside the workplace, mainly in the workers residence. Nair, however, views these themes within the Foucauldian paradigm of â€Å"surveillance and resistance†. Anti-plague measures or sanitizing efforts of the mining authorities was, according to Nair, an intrusion into the private life of the mine workers. She saw in the sanitary zeal of the persons concerned an extension of the â€Å"barrack like discipline† (even though mines cannot be considered barrack like structures) of the workplace to the territory beyond. This project will attempt to move beyond such stereotypical formulations and instead attempt in-depth analyses of the questions raised that will be based on solid empirical research informed by an awareness of the theoretical issues involved. The work has been conceptualized in a manner that it will pull toge ther issues that have been dealt with in discrete, scattered contexts. As far as historical works on Indian public health system are concerned, we are familiar with a significant body of literature about public health systems of major cities like that of Calcutta (Kabita Ray, 1998), and of Bombay (Mridula Ramanna, 2002). A discussion on public health systems of industrially-rich regions is supposed to be first of its kind. Mark Harrison (1994) pioneered a comprehensive account of the system of public health in India starting from disease management in military garrisons to vaccination policies, preventive measures against plague in wider regions. The mining sector however has not featured in his work. Industrial hygiene and in this case, health and hygiene issues in collieries and in their adjoining regions is an unexplored arena. The proposed research aims to combine specifically two kinds of historiography within the span of its methodology. One is the historical literature on mines and the other is the historical accounts of science, medicine, techn ology, and of public health systems in India. While works on mines have overlooked aspects of hygiene and technology, the history of science, medicine and technology has yet to incorporate the industrial sector or industrial hygiene within its orbit. This endeavour, therefore, proposes to fill in the void in the existing historical literature by combining elements of both these fields of research. On another level, this discussion on industrial health and hygiene will seek to include within the scope of its analysis the role of extra-economic factors in the understanding of the working classes in India. Last but not least, a comparison with the coal mines of Britain and South Africa follows from the logic of the analysis of the factors affecting the Indian collieries which I have discussed before. In its attempt at juxtaposing global phenomena, this venture treads the path shown by Peter Alexander (2004). This research thus seeks to situate the post-colonial situation of eastern Indian coalfields within the global context. Such a work is also of relevance to current global concerns that seek to foreground the question of safeguarding the environment in the context of the global-capitalist hunt to maximize profits from commercial ventures. Primary Sources The Coal Mines Labour Welfare Fund Act, 1947/ Act No. 32 of 1947.Delhi. The Coal Mines Safety (Stowing) Rules. Delhi, 1939. East India Railway: the Coalfields of Bengal and Chota Nagpur Served by the East India Railway. Calcutta, 1926. First Report of the committee appointed to investigate the dangers arising from coal-dust in Indian Mines. Govt. of India, Department of Industries and Labour. Calcutta: 1924. (Simpson Committee). Indian Mines Act. By W.H.Pickerink and W.Graham, 1907. Papers Regarding Legislation for the Regulation and Sanitation of Mines in India. Govt. of India: Department of Revenue and Agriculture. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Govt. Printing, 1896. Report of the Chief Inspector of Mines in India under the India Mines Act, VIII of 1901. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Govt. Printing, (1901 onwards). Report o the Coalfield Committee. Calcutta: Govt. Printing, 1920. Report of the Coal Mining Committee. Delhi: Manager of Publicat ions, 1937. Report of the Indian Coal Committee, 1925. Reports on the Production and Consumption of Coal in India. Report on the Inspection of Mines in India. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Govt. Printing, (1894-1900). Rules Framed by the Govt. of Bengal under Section 30 of the Indian Mines Act, 1923 (IV of 1923) applicable to Coal Mines and Mines other than Coal Mines, Corrected up to 30th June, 1940. Second Report of the committee appointed to investigate the dangers arising from coal-dust in Indian Mines. Govt. of India, Department of Industries and Labour. Calcutta: 1929. (Simpson Committee). Special Rules for Coal Mines under Section 21 of the Indian Mines Act, 1901 (VIII of 1901), 1918. Third and Final Report of the committee appointed to investigate the dangers arising from coal-dust in Indian Mines. Govt. of India, Department of Industries and Labour. Calcutta: 1932. Journals and Bulletins Bulletins of Indian Industries and Labour: ï‚ · ï‚ · Indian Factory Legislation: A Historical Survey. By A.G.Clow. 1926. Reduction of Hours of Work in Mines, 1932. Bulletins of the Department of Industries, Bengal: ï‚ · Catalogue of the Indian Manufacturers (compiled in the office of the DirectorGeneral of Commercial Intelligence), 1911. Secondary Sources Alexander, Peter and Halpern, Rick, ‘Introduction: Comparing Race and Labour in South Africa and the United States’ in Journal of Southern African Studies, Volume 30, Number 1, p. 5-18, March 2004. Alexander, Peter, ‘Race, Class Loyalty and the Structure of Capitalism: Coal Miners in Alabama and the Transvaal, 1918-1922’ in Journal of Southern African Studies, Volume 30, Number 1, p. 115-132, March 2004. Basu, Deepika, The Working Class in Bengal: Formative Years, Calcutta, 1993. Ghosh, A.B., Coal Industry in India: A Historical and Analytical Account, Calcutta, vol. 1, 1977 & vol. 2, 1990. Guha, B.P., Wage rates in the Indian coal mining industry, Priya, 1973. Harrison, Mark, Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive Medicine 1859-1914, Cambridge, 1994. Lahiri-Dutt, Kuntala, Mining and Urbanization in the Raniganj coalbelt. Calcutta, 2001. Nair, Janaki, Mines and Millhands: Work Culture and Politics in Princely Mysore. New Delhi, 1998. Ramanna, Mridula, Western Medicine and Public Health in Colonial Bombay, 18451895. Hyderabad, 2002. Ray, Kabita, History of Public Health: Colonial Bengal, 1921-1947.Kolkata, 1998. Raychowdhury, Rakhi, Gender and Labour in India: the Kamins of Eastern Coalmines, 1900-1940. Kolkata, 1996. Rothermund, Dietmar, ‘Tenancy Legislation for Chota Nagpur: the Emphasis on Executive Protection’ in Zamindars, Mines and Peasants: Studies in the History of an Indian Coalfield and Its Rural Hinterland, edited by Dietmar Rothermund and D.C. Wadhwa. New Delhi, 1978. Simeon, Dilip, The Politics of Labour Under Late Colonialism. Workers, Unions and the State in Chota Nagpur, 1928-1939. New Delhi, 1995. ibid. ‘Coal and Colonialism: Productions Relations in an Indian coalfield, c. 18951947’ in â€Å"Peripheral† Labour? : Studies in the History of Partial Proletarianization, edited by Shahid Amin and Marcel van der Linden. Cambridge, 1997. ibid. ‘Work and Resistance in the Jharia Coalfield’ in Contributions to Indian Sociology, vol. 33, no. 1-2, p. 43-75. 1999. Simmons, Colin, ‘Working Conditions, Accidents and ‘Protective’ Labour Legislation in the Indian Coal Mining Industry in the Pre-Independence Period’ in Bengal Past and Present, pt.1 (N.K. Sinha Memorial Vol.), p. 185-200, 1976. ibid. ‘Recruiting and Organizing an Industrial Labour Force in Colonial India: the Case of the Coal Mining Industry c. 1880-1939’ in The Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. xiii, no. 4, p. 455-485 , 1976.

102 Week 4 Journal Response Professor Ramos Blog

102 Week 4 Journal Response Locate an article, news report, or social media post to respond to. You can also respond to any of the articles or topics discussed in the class. First, summarize what the post is saying and what you understand them to be arguing. Second, respond to the article with what we have been learning in class. Point out fallacies if you see them. Evaluate the argument they are making. Explain any bias you see in the post. Point out unsupported claims. If you agree, help them better support their argument. If you disagree, explain why. Notice the use of Ethos, Logos, and Pathos Make sure your journal response is at least 250 words long. Comment below with a link and your response.

Free Essays on Differences

Should teens be able to obtain contraceptive services without parental consent? Teenagers that are sexually active take the risk that comes with sexual intercourse such as sexually transmitted diseases (STD’s) and pregnancies. Yes, teens are too young to be having sex and usually do not think of the risks or consequences that comes with having sexual intercourse. And this is why birth control is an important part a teenager’s life today. Definitely, teens should be able to obtain contraceptive services without parental consent. Personally speaking, I felt awkward taking to my parents, even my mother about sex – let alone birth control. So, I am sure that teens feel awkward asking parents for birth control. Many teens do not want to get caught or let their parents know that they are having sex. I honestly feel that is the major reason why teens do not use birth control. And no matter what the teens are still going to have sex with or with out contraceptives. Again, this causes problems, STD’s and pregnancies. Teens must be provided with contraceptives to protect themselves and also their futures. If teens cannot or will not get the contraceptives from their parents or guardians, then it should be easily accessible to them from another source, with or without parental consent.... Free Essays on Differences Free Essays on Differences Should teens be able to obtain contraceptive services without parental consent? Teenagers that are sexually active take the risk that comes with sexual intercourse such as sexually transmitted diseases (STD’s) and pregnancies. Yes, teens are too young to be having sex and usually do not think of the risks or consequences that comes with having sexual intercourse. And this is why birth control is an important part a teenager’s life today. Definitely, teens should be able to obtain contraceptive services without parental consent. Personally speaking, I felt awkward taking to my parents, even my mother about sex – let alone birth control. So, I am sure that teens feel awkward asking parents for birth control. Many teens do not want to get caught or let their parents know that they are having sex. I honestly feel that is the major reason why teens do not use birth control. And no matter what the teens are still going to have sex with or with out contraceptives. Again, this causes problems, STD’s and pregnancies. Teens must be provided with contraceptives to protect themselves and also their futures. If teens cannot or will not get the contraceptives from their parents or guardians, then it should be easily accessible to them from another source, with or without parental consent....